Spain has it all: beautiful beaches, sunny weather, and delicious cuisine. But its internal stability has long been challenged by geography and regionalism. Ongoing tensions with Catalonia and the Basque region highlight these struggles.Philip III Madrid as the capital in 1561, seeing its central location on the Iberian Peninsula as ideal for a centralist government. But the center of the country, called the Meseta, is a single plain surrounded by forests and mountains. The narrow coastal plains, where most major cities are located, quickly come up against mountain walls. As a result, Madrid is geographically isolated from Spain’s urban centers.Natural barriers hindered communication and trade between regions. With few navigable rivers and a landmass twice the size of Great Britain, the government struggled to maintain control. Even today, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez relies on Catalan separatist parties to stay in power.This post explores the history of regionalism in Spain and its impact, with Catalonia as a key example.
The Roots of Regionalism
Iberians, Celts, Basques, and other ethnic groups first inhabited the Iberian Peninsula. From the 3rd century BC to the 5th century AD, the Roman conquest unified most of them. Roman culture shaped architecture and religion, while Latin gave rise to languages like Castilian, Catalan, Galician, and Portuguese. Despite Roman rule, the Basque region preserved its language throughout the occupation.The fall of the Roman Empire gave rise to the , which ruled from the 5th to the 8th century. The kingdom tried to unify its regions, but local identities persisted: natural barriers already hindered centralist rule before Spain existed. In 710, King Witiza died in Toledo, sparking a power struggle. One Visigothic faction sought help from the Muslims to overthrow King Roderick, a usurper. The resulting invasion would reshape Europe for centuries.
The Period of Al-Andalus
In May 711, an army of 7000 men led by Tariq ibn Ziyad in Gibraltar. At the Battle of Guadalete, Roderick was defeated and killed. Instead of returning to Africa, the Moors advanced north and, later that year, conquered Toledo, the Visigothic capital. By 714, most of the Peninsula was under Muslim control and renamed Al-Andalus. Regional disunity made defense impossible, and only some northern kingdoms like Asturias, León, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon resisted.The Muslims their advance, repeatedly attacking north of the Pyrenees. Their first major came at the Battle of Tours and Poitiers. Over seven days, the Frankish leader Karl Martell and his allies defeated the Moors. After their defeat, the Moors retreated, controlling only two-thirds of the Peninsula between 756 and 1031. Many historians believe this victory saved Christianity in Europe, preventing further Muslim expansion north and east. Martel and his successors feared that if the Muslims crossed the Pyrenees, the fall of Christendom was imminent.
The Divided Reconquista
The Reconquista in the 8th century, though early successes were rare. When the Arab Caliphate in 1031, the Christians seized their opportunity. In the following decades, Christian kingdoms reclaimed territory from the Moors. In 1085, Toledo was , and over the next 200 years, major cities like Sevilla, Cádiz, and the capital city of Al-Andalus, Córdoba, were recaptured. Portugal declared in 1139. By then, only Granada remained under Muslim control.However, the different kingdoms involved in the Reconquista shared little beyond their fight for Christianity. Castile, León, Aragon, and Navarre developed distinct legal systems, cultures, languages, and political institutions. Some differences faded when Ferdinand I of Castile León, uniting the two kingdoms.In 1459, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I’s united two of Spain’s most powerful kingdoms under a single dynastic union. Though they ruled jointly, they maintained separate institutions, laws, and customs. The union proved fruitful, as the Reconquista ended with the of Granada in 1492, marking the birth of Spain. Yet Spain remained a nation of distinct cultures, languages, and traditions. These differences were overshadowed during its golden age in the 16th and 17th centuries.
Catalonia’s Early History
Catalonia was one of the Roman territories in Spain. After the Moors conquest in 712, it was reclaimed by Charlemagne at the end of the 8th century, who it into the Spanish Marches, a buffer zone against Muslim incursions in the early 9th century. Counties like Barcelona, Girona, and Osona were established under Frankish sovereignty and governed by local counts. Wilfried the Hairy later these counties, becoming the count of Barcelona and others. He established a hereditary system, reducing Frankish control and increasing local autonomy.
In the following two centuries, Catalan identity would develop. Ramon Berenguer I (1023–1076), Count of Barcelona, the Usatges de Barcelona. The set of laws formalized the legal system and reinforced local governance.
The marriage of Petronilla of Aragon and Ramon Berenguer IV united the County of Barcelona with the Kingdom of Aragon, forming the . The County of Barcelona and other Catalan counties became the . Though ruled by a single monarch, the territories retained separate laws, languages, and institutions. Between the 12th and 15th centuries, the Crown of Aragon expanded its influence across the Mediterranean, conquering the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Sardinia, and parts of Greece.
Centralization and Conflict
Regional autonomy was respected after the fall of Granada in 1492. The first conflict between centralist Spain and Catalonia only occurred in 1640. During the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), Spain’s fight against France placed heavy financial and military demands on its regions. High and resource extraction in wealthy areas fueled discontent. Madrid stationed royal troops in Catalonia and forced it to contribute soldiers to the Spanish army. Catalans deeply resented the Crown’s efforts to centralize power and reduce their autonomy.The crisis began with the Corpus de Sang (Corpus of Blood). On June 7, Catalan peasants, known as reapers, attacked Spanish officials and troops during the Corpus Christi procession. The revolt quickly spread, drawing in peasants, urban residents, Catalan nobility, and clergy. In September 1640, the Catalan government independence from Spain and sought military protection from France. France, eager to weaken its enemy Spain, supported the Catalans.On January 26, 1641, Spanish forces attacked Montjuïc, attempting to breach Barcelona’s defenses. The Catalan and French defenders held their ground, forcing the royal troops to retreat. After the Thirty Years’ War ended, France reduced its military and political involvement. In 1651, Spanish forces siege to Barcelona, and Catalan forces surrendered in October 1652.The Franco-Spanish War ended in 1659 with the . As part of the agreement, Spain ceded the northern Catalan territories of Roussillon and parts of Cerdanya to France.
King Versus King
The (1701–1714) was the next major conflict between Spain and Catalonia. After the childless King Charles II died, a power struggle for the Spanish throne erupted between the Bourbons and Habsburgs. Catalonia and the Crown of Aragon supported the Habsburg claimant, Archduke Charles, fearing Bourbon centralization.In 1714, Bourbon troops defeated the Catalan forces. Philip V, the Burbon contender for the Spanish throne, abolished Catalonia’s institutions, laws, and privileges and imposed Spanish laws and administrative systems. Catalonia’s autonomy was diminished, and the region was integrated into the centralized Spanish state. Philip V ultimately became king of Spain.During the 18th and 19th centuries, Catalonia faced ongoing suppression. Yet, in the second half of the 19th century, the (Renaissance) restored the Catalan language, literature, and national identity. The movement laid the foundation for modern Catalan nationalism.Catalonia gained greater autonomy during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939). The Statue of Autonomy of 1932 allowed self-governance in many areas, and Catalan culture and political activity flourished as the Generalitat (Catalan government) gained more power. This liberty, however, was short-lived. After Franco’s nationalists won the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), Catalonia, a key Republican stronghold, lost its autonomy.
Franco’s Regime and Repression
Centralization was a core goal of Franco’s regime from 1939 to 1975, leading to the systematic suppression of Catalan culture. The use of Catalan in public life, education, and media was banned, and many Catalan institutions were dismantled. Only in FC Barcelona’s stadium did Catalans openly express their discontent, singing and talking in their mother tongue. Despite the repression, Catalan culture and identity endured through underground activities, private use, and the efforts of cultural preservationists.
Catalonia in Modern Spain
After Franco died in 1975, Spain transitioned to democracy. The Spanish Constitution of 1978 established the country as a democratic state with autonomous communities, allowing Catalonia to regain limited self-governance. In the 1980s and 1990s, Catalonia gained additional powers and developed a strong regional government with its own parliament and executive. Despite this, many Catalans felt the autonomy granted was still inadequate to meet their aspirations for greater self-determination.To the delight of Catalonians, the 2006 granted greater autonomy to Catalonia. The law’s preamble defined Catalonia as a nation, regulated its national symbols, and reinforced Catalan as the official language. After four years of consideration, however, Spain’s Constitutional Court key parts of the statute in 2010, sparking widespread protests. The 2008 economic crisis exacerbated tensions, with many Catalans feeling they contributed more to Spain’s economy than they received in return. Catalonia had long been a powerhouse of the Spanish economy.
The Renewed Struggle For Independence
In 2012, the struggle for independence reignited. On the Diada, Catalonia’s national day, thousands of pro-independence demonstrators took to the streets. This sparked a wave of large-scale demonstrations demanding an independence referendum. In response, Catalan President Artur Mas pushed for a legal framework to enable such a vote.Despite strong opposition from the Spanish government, Catalonia proceeded with an informal referendum in 2014. Declared illegal by Madrid, over 80% for independence. Tensions escalated on October 1, 2017, when the Catalan government, led by President Carles Puigdemont, held a binding referendum. The Spanish Constitutional Court had again ruled the vote illegal, and the day saw police intervention and a boycott by unionists. Despite the obstacles, 90% of voters independence. The voter turnout was 43%.
Catalonia Versus Madrid
On October 27, 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared independence, prompting the Spanish government to invoke Article 155 of the Constitution. This suspended Catalonia’s autonomy and imposed direct rule from Madrid. In the following crackdown, several Catalan leaders were arrested or fled abroad, including President Carles Puigdemont, who went into exile in Belgium.Since then, Puigdemont has continued to champion Catalan independence. Despite numerous legal battles, including Spain’s repeated efforts to extradite him, he re-emerged as a key figure on the national stage several years later.
The 2023 Spanish National Election
After the failed referendum, Spain’s unity was fractured. In the years that followed, the focus shifted to stabilizing the regions. But the 2023 national election upended this focus. The result was a parliament, with the center-right Popular Party (PP) winning the most votes but unable to form a government without coalition partners. Incumbent Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s Socialist Party (PSOE) needed a coalition to stay in power.
Madrid’s Pact With Separatists
Sánchez’s path to success involved week-long negotiations culminating in a key with the Catalan separatist party, Junts per Catalunya (Junts), led by Carles Puigdemont. The agreement granted amnesty to almost individuals involved in the 2017 referendum, including Puigdemont. It also included measures to promote the use of Catalan in parliament and the creation of a committee to investigate the surveillance of separatists. Additionally, Sánchez agreed to 15 billion euros of Catalonia’s debt.The deal sparked controversy, drawing protests from the center-right Popular Party and concerns from the European Union over its implications. While the pact has secured Sánchez’s position as prime minister, it casts doubts on the long-term stability of his government, given Junts’ conditional support.
Catalonia’s Role in Modern Spain
Spain’s centuries of centralism have shaped both its infrastructure and political landscape. Highways and railways radiate from Madrid like the spokes of a wheel. Natural barriers further secure Madrid’s strategic location. One example is the Despeñaperros Pass, a narrow 10-kilometer valley that serves as the main route between Madrid and Andalusia.Changing a culture takes time, and changing Catalonia’s might be impossible, given its distinct identity, almost akin to a separate state. Catalonia has its own police force, the Mossos d’Esquadra, a broadcast regulator, a flag, and an anthem. The region also manages its healthcare and educational systems independently. However, achieving full independence raises critical questions about controlling national institutions like border control, customs, defense, and a central bank, all currently managed by Madrid.Economic interdependence is another key factor. Catalonia has accumulated over €84 billion in debt, with over 80% owed to the Spanish government. This financial burden is expected to ease, as Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has pledged to take on 20% of Catalonia’s debt in exchange for separatist support. Yet, Catalonia’s economic significance to Spain is undeniable — it boasts the second-highest GDP among Spain’s regions, only surpassed by Madrid. Tarragona houses one of Europe’s largest chemical hubs, while Barcelona remains a major tourist destination, attracting 15.6 million in 2023.Catalonia’s influence extends beyond economics. Its independence movement reshaped Spanish politics, compelling national parties, like the Euskal Herria Bildu party from the Basque region, to address regional issues and negotiate power-sharing deals.Besides the data, the issue is deeply emotional. If you ask a pro-independent Catalan from Barcelona if they are Spanish, they will likely respond, “I am not Spanish; I am Catalan.” This sentiment suggests that any move toward independence may be driven less by politics or economics and more by a sense of identity. Catalonia has long been an autonomous region of Spain. But if a majority believes that “Madrid robs us,” maintaining cohesion in the long term will be challenging.
